Monday, May 11, 2026

The Last Witness: A True Crime Story Hollywood Hasn't Made Yet

While this movie has yet to be made, one screenplay coverage reviewer asked the obvious question. "Why hasn't this been on a screen somewhere, yet?"

In 1974, a 17-year-old girl was running from the Carbone crime family in Tacoma, Washington. She had witnessed something she refused to admit even to herself. Everyone around her who knew too much was turning up dead, overdosed, or face-down in Spanaway Lake. She needed one week, a place to sleep, and someone who wouldn't sell her out.

She chose a 17-year-old kid she had known for less than an hour.

That kid is still alive. Most of the other major players in this story are not.

As for the screenplay with over a dozen international awards, new coverage (that is a professional level review of a screenplay) from The Black List indicates it could easily be a $30-50 million prestige studio production.

I'd long thought maybe a $3-5 million indie production. Though UK producer/director Danny Baker told me this past winter it could easily be an FX type prestige series. So, I drew up a treatment for that and...he loved it. But he's busy on other projects at this time and as usual, getting the money or studio on board is the issue at hand.

The Black List coverage from May 2026:

There is a compelling 1970s coming-of-age action thriller here, and it's clear the writer has strong instincts for period detail, character-forward storytelling, and cinematically rich set piece design that compete with many professionals working today. Their ability to ground larger-than-life action within a relatable, empathetic teenage POV is especially exciting, and they should feel proud of the work thus far. Even so, there are notable areas that may benefit from significant rewrites.

As they consider this development, they may find inspiration in similar voices such as Elijah Bynum or Scott Frank. In terms of selling this, the period setting and ambitious set pieces likely push the budget into the $30-50M range, putting it best with traditional studios or streamers like Netflix or Apple, both of which have appetite for prestige action drama. As these buyers are highly talent-driven, a strong next step may be to refine the draft and tee up a producer who can help bring in a marketable filmmaker and cast.

It's a story and screenplay that has had the interest of a UK producer some years ago, a well-known Hollywood producer, 3 directors and now a new UK working film industry professional. And yet, it's still unproduced. Such is the filmmaking business. But I'm not giving up. What is stopping it from being produced? It takes the right people, the right vision. And to date, everyone seems to love it but has their own vision.

I have mine. The right vision for it. And mine will win out. Or it won't.

That vision is that this is not a coming-of-age story, though there are elements of that. It is not a "teen romp". This is not your average teen. His motivations were not a normal teen's. He was also no super teen, either. He simply had an unusual degree of training in all the right things required for this kind of a situation.

The fact that he came together with this woman, at that time in that situation, is truly remarkable. Story worthy. Movie worthy. Series worthy. And it really happened.

I just hope I can get it produced before the protagonist, who is likely the only remaining participant from this story still alive, gets to see it on screen.

Before he's no longer here.

What's important here is, we still have someone who was there, who saw it all, who was central to the entire bizarre story in a situation that eventually went viral as it involved the city, county, and state levels of government, and so acquired national attention. It was in the newspapers for months on end. That would be the trial of the crime family, that had to be moved from Tacoma to California to protect the trail from being corrupted.

Yet now, no one knows about all this.

The Enterprise

Pierce County in the early 1970s was, in the words of former Tacoma Mayor Bill Barma, wide open. Joint Base Lewis-McChord, then split between Fort Lewis and McCord Field, filled the county with young military men and the kind of cash economy that organized crime has always known how to exploit. John Joseph Carbone knew exactly what he had.

His operation ran topless bars, card rooms, prostitution, and heroin across a network of tavern fronts throughout the county. When competition appeared, it was firebombed, sometimes with employees still inside. When witnesses emerged, they disappeared. A dancer subpoenaed before a grand jury was found dead of an apparent overdose. A bouncer who had been called to testify told his family he needed to get out. He reappeared face-down in Spanaway Lake.

When liquor control agent Mel Journey started making connections that other investigators weren't making, two gunmen approached him in his driveway and shot him four times in the chest while his family watched from the window. He survived on multiple blood transfusions, contracting Hepatitis C in the process. The enterprise kept operating.

The reason it kept operating was Pierce County Sheriff George Janovic, who accepted payments from Carbone's intermediaries, tipped off Carbone's operations before raids, and directed deputies to harass competing nightclub owners. Mayor Barma recalled Janovic being consumed not with the crime wave rocking his county but with building a campaign war chest large enough to discourage a rival from running against him. Barma attended one of Janovic's fundraisers. Carbone was there.

By November 1978, after a 13-month FBI and ATF undercover operation, 15 people were arrested including the sheriff. Carbone was convicted on 14 counts including racketeering and sentenced to a hundred years. He served 15. Janovic got 12 years, served 6. The trial had to be moved to San Francisco because there was no impartial jury to be found in Pierce County.

This is documented history. Court records. Sentences. Federal convictions.

And sitting in the middle of it, for one week in 1974, was a girl named Sara.

The Witness

In June 2020, the true crime podcast Scene of the Crime, hosted by former KIRO Radio reporters Carolyn Ossorio and Kim Shepard, devoted an episode to the Carbone enterprise. The episode, titled "Enterprise," featured Bill Barma and drew on documented records of the FBI investigation and the Janovic conviction.

It also featured an interview with the man who protected Sara that week in 1974.

He described a frenzied call from a friend, a nervous woman in her late twenties who climbed into his car and handed him a News Tribune article about the murder of a bouncer named Danny at the Tiki nightclub in Lakewood. She told him she hadn't seen it. He believed she had. She asked if he had a gun. She asked if he would stay with her for a week until she could get out of town.

He said yes.

What the podcast captured is the shape of the story. What it couldn't fully convey is the character of the man who said yes, or why Sara chose him specifically, or what happened to her after she left. Those answers are in the screenplay.

Carolyn Ossorio has since gone on to produce The Shadow Girls, a deeply reported podcast on the Green River Killer's victims, now continuing under the title Criminal Mischief. She's worth following. The Carbone episode remains one of the best documented accounts of the enterprise available in audio form.

The Screenplay

The Teenage Bodyguard is a feature screenplay based on these documented events. It opens with Danny McCormick's murder. It carries the historical record through title cards and court documentation. It traces Sara's flight through the Carbone network's reach, the Seattle connection through the Colacurcio organization, and the week one young man spent keeping her alive on instinct, karate, a Civil Air Patrol background, and a .357 he knew how to use.

The screenplay has won 17 international film and screenplay contests across three continents, including:

Best Feature Script, Bab Al Bahrain International Film Festival (Bahrain, 2024); Best Drama Screenplay, Best Hollywood Day Short FF (Winter 2025); Outstanding Achievement Award, Brandenburg International Film Festival (Germany, 2023); Best Screenplay, David Film Festival (Istanbul, 2023); Best Feature Script/Screenplay, Great Oman Independent Film Festival (Oman, 2024); Gold Award Feature Script, Hollywood Gold Awards (USA, 2024); Best Crime Screenplay, International Film & Script Festival-Lotus (Greece, 2023); Best Feature Screenwriting, Medusa Film Festival (USA, 2023); Best Original Screenplay, New Cinema Festival (Buenos Aires, 2024); Best Feature Script, New York Movie Awards (USA, 2024); Best Feature Screenplay Honorable Mention, New York Screenwriting Awards (Summer 2023); Best Screenplay, Tibriz Cinema Awards (Iran, 2023); Best Unproduced Drama Screenplay, US Motion Picture Alliance (USA, 2023); Best Screenplay, Washington Film Awards (December 2023); Feature Script Outstanding Achievement, World Film Carnival (Singapore, 2023); Best Feature Script, Bab Al Bahrain (2024). And a variety of Official Selections.

A separate rewrite with input from producer Robert Mitas, who has long worked with actor/producer Michael Douglas, added three additional recognitions to the story. It is a shorter, tighter screenplay, but it's not the same story and not as true to what happened as the longer, original version that has been worked on with help from Robert, as well as screenplay consultants like Jen Grisanti.

Why not a Book?

Maybe. A screenplay is the compressed form. It does what screenplays do: it moves. But the story underneath it is larger than any two-hour film. As Danny Baker said, it could easily be a prestige series in the FX, Netflix, or HBO formats.

The documented Carbone enterprise. The FBI operation. The Janovic conviction. The Seattle connection. The young man who grew up in the Pacific Northwest, trained in martial arts since childhood, earned his letter in riflery three years running, flew search and rescue missions with Civil Air Patrol, and walked into a week that no one in his life knew about for the next fifty years.

And Sara. Who she was. Where she went. What the Carbone network's reach actually meant for a woman trying to disappear in 1974.

That's a book. Narrative nonfiction true crime with the court records to back it up, a living primary source who has never told the full story, and an ending that the screenplay only hints at.

The story is documented. The witness is available. The work is already begun.


The Teenage Bodyguard screenplay is represented by its screenwriter, JZ Murdock. Robert Mitas and UK producer/director Danny Baker, are available when this project begins to move forward.

Inquiries welcome.

Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!


JZ Murdock is a retired Senior Technical Writer/IT administrator, and an active award-winning author/filmmaker, documentarian, and writer based in Bremerton, Washington.

He publishes commentary on the state of things at murdockinations.com and on his creative works over at Substack. He also posts on Slasher.com on the horror genre.

If this work means something to you, you can support it at Ko-fi. Tips are always welcome and go directly toward keeping independent documentary work possible.

Sunday, May 10, 2026

Special Edition: Russia Is Eating Itself: The Slow Collapse of Putin's War State

Vladimir Putin launched his full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 with the apparent expectation that it would be quick, decisive, and largely invisible to the Russian public. 

More than four years later, it has been none of those things. 

Donald Trump, is not far outside of this club.

What has emerged instead is a portrait of a regime slowly consuming itself: generals killed by car bombs in Moscow suburbs, a president hiding in bunkers along the Black Sea coast while state media runs pre-recorded footage to maintain the illusion of normalcy, and a security apparatus so fractured its chiefs are openly blaming each other in Kremlin meetings. The numbers below tell part of the story. The rest is told by the silence of Russian elites who have quietly stopped saying "we" when they talk about the war, and started saying "his."

 

MILITARY CASUALTIES

CSIS estimates Russian forces suffered nearly 1.2 million battlefield casualties, including killed, wounded, and missing, between February 2022 and December 2025, with roughly 415,000 in 2025 alone, at an average of nearly 35,000 per month. To put that in historical context, Russia has suffered roughly five times as many fatalities in Ukraine as in all Russian and Soviet wars combined between the end of World War II and the start of the full-scale invasion in 2022. Center for Strategic and International StudiesCenter for Strategic and International Studies

Russia's rate of advance since January 2024 has averaged between 15 and 70 meters per day in its most prominent offensives, slower than almost any major offensive campaign in any war in the last century. Center for Strategic and International Studies


GENERALS KILLED

The deaths of 15 Russian generals have been officially confirmed. In December 2024, Lieutenant General Igor Kirillov, head of the Nuclear, Biological, and Chemical Protection Troops, was killed by a bomb in Moscow. In April 2025, Lieutenant General Yaroslav Moskalik, a senior officer in the General Staff's Main Operational Directorate, was killed by a car bomb in a Moscow suburb. In December 2025, Lieutenant General Fanil Sarvarov, head of the Operational Training Directorate of the Russian General Staff, was killed in Moscow by another car bomb. In July 2025, a strike on the headquarters of the 155th Naval Infantry Brigade killed at least six officers, including the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Navy. Zona Media


PUTIN IN BUNKERS / HEIGHTENED SECURITY

The Kremlin has dramatically increased personal security around Putin, installing surveillance systems in the homes of close staffers, prompted by a wave of assassinations of top Russian military figures and fears of a coup. Cooks, bodyguards and photographers who work with the president are banned from traveling on public transport. Visitors to the Kremlin must be screened twice, and those working close to Putin can only use phones without internet access. CNN

Putin and his family have stopped visiting their residences in the Moscow region and in northwestern Valdai. He is now spending extended periods in bunkers, including in the Krasnodar area in southern Russia, while state media uses pre-recorded footage to project normality. i24NEWS

He has not visited a military facility in 2026 so far, despite regular trips in 2025. CNN

Intelligence reports indicate Putin fears not so much Ukrainian attacks as a conspiracy by Russian political elites. Sergei Shoigu, the former Defense Minister and current Security Council Secretary, is specifically associated with the risk of a coup attempt. UNN

At the Kremlin's May 9 Victory Day parade this year, no members of the State Duma were invited to Red Square, reportedly to reduce the number of people in close proximity to Putin. The Federal Protective Service has been given broad powers over information policy, personally approving any media appearances involving the president. Surveillance tools once used for criminal investigations have been redirected to monitor government officials. Militarnyi


INTERNAL SECURITY AGENCY CONFLICT

After the assassination of Sarvarov in December 2025, tensions between security agencies exploded during a meeting where Chief of the General Staff Gerasimov sharply criticized the FSB for failing to detect assassination plots. FSB Director Bortnikov responded by criticizing the Defense Ministry for lacking its own protection unit. Head of the National Guard Zolotov refused to allocate his agency's resources to protect Defense Ministry officers. Militarnyi

A former Kremlin insider noted that "a very big battle for power is going on" and that "the FSB and the administration are very much in conflict." HotAir


THE ECONOMIST: PUTIN LOSING HIS GRIP

An anonymous former senior Russian government official writing in The Economist described how senior officials, regional governors and businessmen have stopped using the first-person plural when talking about state actions. As recently as last spring, everything was "we" and "ours." Now they describe what is happening as "his" story, not "ours." His decisions are described as "strange." Even stranger, the author notes, is the fact that he decides anything at all. Substack

The author frames it as a political "zugzwang," the chess term for a position where every available move worsens your situation. He identifies four converging factors: the rising cost of a war designed to be invisible to most Russians; a new demand for rules among elites cut off from London courts and offshore vehicles; roughly 5 trillion rubles in private assets confiscated over three years, the largest redistribution of property since the 1990s privatizations; and a geopolitical climate that is eroding the specific asymmetries Russia historically exploited. Hvylya

The future, he writes, is no longer discussed as something Putin will decide, but as something that will unfold independently of him, and possibly already without him. Substack


ECONOMIC DETERIORATION

Russia's GDP contracted 1.8% in the first two months of 2026. Putin acknowledged the issue in a government meeting on economic affairs in mid-April. HotAir

Russia's economy shrank 0.3% between January and March 2026, the first contraction since early 2023. The public deficit ballooned to $60 billion in the same period, exceeding the full-year target. Inflation remains stuck near 6% under an interest rate of 14.5%. Euronews

Oil and gas revenues in 2025 came in at 8.7 trillion rubles, well below the planned 10.9 trillion. To compensate, the government has raised VAT from 20% to 22% starting January 2026, and utility bills are projected to jump another 13% in 2026, the highest increase since the war began. The Moscow Times

When ordinary Russians were asked in BBC interviews what they hoped for in 2026, a striking number answered with a single word: peace. Several said they no longer plan their lives months or years ahead. One summed up the mood: "Five years? If I look ahead 10 days, it's good." EUvsDisinfo

An anonymous former senior Russian official, writing recently in The Economist, reached for a chess metaphor to describe where Putin now stands: zugzwang, the position where every available move only worsens your situation. The war was supposed to preserve his power. Instead it has become the engine of its erosion. What comes next, no one inside Russia appears to know, including the people closest to him. That uncertainty, more than any battlefield statistic, may be the most significant development of the entire conflict.

I wish us all well...

Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!



JZ Murdock is a retired Senior Technical Writer/IT administrator, and an active award-winning author/ filmmaker, documentarian, and writer based in Bremerton, Washington. 

He publishes commentary on the state of things at murdockinations.com and on his creative works over at Substack. He also posts on Slasher.com on the horror genre.

If this work means something to you, you can support it at Ko-fi. Tips are always welcome and go directly toward keeping independent documentary work possible.


Friday, May 8, 2026

The Costs of Allowing Selective Ignorance Rule in the White House

 Donald Trump. "Stable Geeenuiuuussss..."

Remember when people were asking if you really want the guy who used to stand by the keg at a kegger be our Commander in Chief?

George W. Bush. The guy you'd want to have a beer with -- which was literally the media narrative sold as a virtue in 2000 and 2004. Folksy, inarticulate, legacy admission to Yale, disappeared from his flying a fighter jet to help on his dad's campaign, dodging his own military service (then dressed up in a flight suit as president to play soldier for a war in the wrong country that he started). Ran three businesses into the ground before his dad's friends handed him a baseball team and then a presidency.

And the keg analogy holds. You don't want the keg guy running the nuclear codes.

When Obama was elected I said, "Well, the Republicans can't go any lower than George W. Bush -- and I voted for his father."

Boy, was I wrong. Bush as president is not almost quaint, a country gentleman even, much as he might wish to be perceived.

It was catastrophically wrong. Because with Donald Trump, the bar didn't just get lowered -- it disappeared. In his first term he had to step over it. Now, in his second, you need a metal detector to even, hopefully, find it beneath the surface. 

Which, to be honest, was always exactly what Trump wanted. Not the presidency as public service. The presidency as Al Capone-level immunity -- power without accountability, authority without consequence, the office as a personal get-out-of-jail card. Permanently.

Now, about that "sea/see" incident just happened this week.

While giving a speech, Trump said "by sea, by ocean, by water" and then explained: "A lot of people say, 'What do you mean by sea? Is it see? Like vision?' No, it's sea, SEA."

As Raw Story noted, when Trump says "a lot of people" or "many people" think something, it typically means he used to think it and got corrected. In other words, he was projecting his own former confusion onto a hypothetical crowd. 

There's others like that. MANY, many others:

  • 800 percent off
  • Windmills cause cancer
  • Hannibal Lecter is real
  • ID to buy cereal
  • Napoleon was short, that's why
  • Inject bleach
  • Tim Apple
  • The oranges of the investigation
  • Frederick Douglass is doing great work
  • I invented "priming the pump"
  • Rake the forests
  • Covfefe
  • Revolutionary War airports
  • Look. This is just a dumb man trying to sound smart, pure and simple.

    He also has a habit of saying people call it, or it's what is called and then says something stupid

    Claude responded: Yes -- the classic "some people call it" setup where he's clearly the only person who calls it that.

    Or his classic "some people call it" setup where he's clearly the only person who calls it that.
    • Some people call it the snake" -- reading a poem about immigration as though it were his own insight
    • "People call it the super drug" -- about hydroxychloroquine
    • "They call it the Chinese virus, some people call it that"-- he called it that
    • "People call it the deep state, I call it the radical left"
    • "Some people call it a revolution, I call it common sense"
    • "They call it the green new disaster"
    • "People call it the laptop from hell"
    • "Some people call it the fake news, I call it the corrupt media"
    • "They call it the big beautiful wall"
    • "People call it the death tax, I call it unfair"
    • "Some people call it the swamp"
    • "They call it the Gulf of Mexico, I call it the Gulf of America -- and it's a much better name"
    That last one is the purest example -- he renamed a body of water and then complimented himself on the rename. The "people call it" construction is doing a specific job every time: it creates the illusion of consensus around something he alone believes, or distance from something he very much said himself.

    The underlying claim is also nonsense.

    Trump said "drugs entering our country by sea are down 97 percent" at a January 29 White House briefing, but experts called the assertion ridiculous, invented, or involving disingenuous numbers meant to deceive.

    "It wouldn't be the first time this administration just made up something out of whole cloth," said Sanho Tree, director of the Drug Policy Project at the Institute for Policy Studies. And notably, a 97 percent reduction in cocaine flow would mean cocaine was now extraordinarily rare in the United States. It isn't. And the Trump numbers keeps shifting -- he's said 94%, 96%, 97%, and 98.2% at various points.

    what do you call the "sea/see" thing academically or psychologically?

    Several overlapping concepts apply here:

    Projection of ignorance -- The classic "a lot of people are saying" construction is what linguists sometimes call a distancing hedge. He's attributing his own confusion to an unnamed crowd so he can explain it without owning the original ignorance. It's face-saving through deflection.

    Illusory superiority / Dunning-Kruger effect -- The irony is that he's spelling out S-E-A to sound authoritative and clarifying, when the very fact that he felt the need to do so reveals the confusion was his own. Someone who never confused the two homophones would never think to clarify them publicly. The performance of intelligence actually advertises the deficit.

    Compensatory verbosity -- A well-documented pattern in his speech: when uncertain, he doesn't go quiet, he adds words, repetitions, and elaborations ("by sea, by ocean, by the water, you know") as though volume substitutes for precision.

    Confabulation -- This is the clinical-adjacent term. Confabulation isn't exactly lying; it's the brain filling gaps with plausible-sounding material, often without awareness that the gap exists. Trump regularly produces figures (97%, 25,000 lives per boat) that have no factual anchor but feel convincing to him and his audience in the moment.

    Is it stupid? Childish? Or performed?

    Probably all three operating simultaneously at different layers. The confusion itself may be genuine -- this is a man with a demonstrably limited reading life who processes the world aurally. Homophones trip up people who don't encounter words primarily in print. The performance of explaining it is where the compensatory behavior kicks in -- an attempt to reframe the gaffe as expertise. And the political tribalism around it means his base hears "he's so relatable, he explains things plainly" while everyone else hears "he didn't know what 'by sea' meant."

    None of that amounts to clinical proof of cognitive decline. Trump's allies argue that his tangents, riffs and verbal detours are part of a long-established political style. What is clear is that in 2026 every stray Trump sentence is being dissected for signs of either cunning or collapse.

    The honest answer: the line between "he's performing folksy" and "he genuinely didn't know" blurred a long time ago. At this point they may be the same thing.

    The academic frameworks are useful for dissecting the mechanics, but they can also inadvertently dignify what is, at its core, exactly what you said -- a man of limited intellectual depth who has spent 80 years developing workarounds to avoid being exposed. The spelling out of S-E-A isn't a cognitive symptom or a rhetorical strategy. It's what a guy who didn't read much and got confused by a homophone does when he's standing at a podium and the words just come out.

    What makes it politically durable is the audience. His base doesn't hear inadequacy -- they hear a plain-spoken man cutting through complexity. That's the one genuinely shrewd thing about it, though I'd argue even that isn't calculated so much as accidentally discovered over decades of bluster. He found out early that confidently wrong lands better than quietly uncertain in certain rooms, and he never had reason to update that.

    The tragedy -- and it is one -- is that the office requires the opposite. Precision, intellectual humility, comfort with ambiguity. Every "by sea, S-E-A" moment is a small but real reminder that the gap between the demands of the job and the man filling it is about as wide as it gets.

    I so look forward to intelligence returning to America with leaders of knowledge, education, wisdom, accuracy, precision of speech and, democracy.

    The return of intelligence, knowledge, education, wisdom, and precision of speech to American leadership -- and with it, democracy itself -- cannot come soon enough.

    Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!



    JZ Murdock is a retired Senior Technical Writer/IT administrator, and an active award-winning author/ filmmaker, documentarian, and writer based in Bremerton, Washington. 

    He publishes commentary on the state of things at murdockinations.com and on his creative works over at Substack. He also posts on Slasher.com on the horror genre.

    If this work means something to you, you can support it at Ko-fi. Tips are always welcome and go directly toward keeping independent documentary work possible.

    Monday, May 4, 2026

    The Autocrat's Playbook: Trump - From Immigrants to Iran

    A documented record of who Donald Trump has attacked, in what order, and what it means


    Verblendung (German): the state of willful blindness in which a person or a people becomes so captivated by a figure or ideology that they lose the capacity to see what is plainly in front of them. Not mere ignorance. Not deception imposed from outside. The kind of blindness you choose, and then forget you chose.

    There is a question worth asking plainly: when you line up everyone Donald Trump has attacked since his first term in office, what do you see? Not what his supporters say you see, and not what his critics fear you see. Just the list, in order, with the facts.

    What you see is a pattern. And patterns, unlike individual events, tell you something true about intent.

    First Term (POTUS 45, 2017 to 2021): Establishing the Template

    The first term was about identifying who could be attacked without serious political cost. Trump started with groups that lacked political power, were easy to demonize, and whose suffering would be invisible to his base.

    Muslims came first, via travel bans targeting majority-Muslim nations. Then asylum seekers and migrants, through the family separation policy, zero tolerance prosecutions, and children held in detention facilities that a federal court later described as barbaric. Then Mexico, threatened with tariffs and accused of sending rapists and criminals. Then NATO allies, threatened with abandonment unless they paid more. Then Iran, from which Trump unilaterally withdrew the nuclear deal in 2018 before ordering the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani in 2020. Then China, via a trade war. Then the press itself, declared the enemy of the people.

    The template was simple: pick a target, remove their legal protections, and see what happens. Nothing serious happened. So he came back.

    Year One of POTUS 47: The Targets Expand Inward

    Undocumented Immigrants

    On his first day back in office, January 20, 2025, Trump signed executive orders expanding expedited removal nationwide, suspending refugee resettlement, and instructing agencies to detain people to the fullest extent possible. ICE was given permission to raid schools, hospitals, and places of worship. Agents in unmarked vehicles, wearing plainclothes and face coverings, began conducting door-to-door enforcement in immigrant neighborhoods based on what internal documents described as apparent race.

    Legal Immigrants and Asylum Seekers

    The administration then retroactively made over a million people illegal, including those who had used official government programs like CBP One appointments and Temporary Protected Status. People who had done everything the right way were reclassified as undocumented overnight. In May 2025, with Supreme Court permission, the administration revoked the protected status of 350,000 Venezuelan immigrants in what advocates described as the largest single action stripping any group of non-citizens of immigration status in modern U.S. history.

    International Students and Foreign Nationals with Political Views

    The administration revoked the visas of hundreds, possibly thousands, of international students across dozens of states. Many were arrested, detained, and deported or threatened with deportation not for any crime but because of their political speech, particularly support for Palestinian rights. The First Amendment was treated as a privilege that expired at the border.

    U.S. Citizens

    This is where the pattern became impossible to dismiss as immigration enforcement. By October 2025, ProPublica had confirmed at least 170 American citizens detained by ICE. The detainees included elected officials, disabled adults, children receiving cancer treatment, Puerto Ricans, and Indigenous people. The deportation of U.S. citizens from the United States is illegal. It happened anyway.

    The administration announced plans to strip citizenship from 100 to 200 naturalized Americans per month. The DOJ directed prosecutors to pursue denaturalization cases. An executive order attempted to revoke birthright citizenship from U.S.-born children of immigrants, a right enshrined in the Fourteenth Amendment.

    Elected Officials and Protesters

    Protesting near an ICE operation became grounds for arrest. Accompanying an immigrant to a scheduled court hearing and asking officers to produce a warrant became grounds for arrest. Asking the Secretary of Homeland Security a question became grounds for arrest. These things happened to members of Congress. The message to everyone less powerful was obvious.

    The Foreign Wars: Seven Countries and Counting

    While the domestic crackdown accelerated, the military campaign abroad expanded at a pace that broke all modern records. Data from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project documented 622 air and drone strikes across seven countries in 2025 alone.

    Somalia (February 2025 onward)

    The U.S. conducted more strikes in Somalia in 2025 than under the Bush, Obama, and Biden administrations combined. Both al-Shabaab and ISIS-Somalia remained intact and active by year's end, with al-Shabaab gaining ground and advancing toward the capital.

    Yemen and the Houthis (March to May 2025)

    Under Operation Rough Rider, Trump ordered more than 1,100 strikes on Houthi positions, spending over a billion dollars in a matter of weeks. Human Rights Watch documented a strike on the Ras Isa port in April that killed more than 80 civilians and called for a war crimes investigation. A ceasefire brokered by Oman ended the campaign in May. By July, the Houthis had resumed attacks on shipping.

    Iraq (March 2025)

    A U.S. strike in al-Anbar province killed Abdallah Malli Muslih al-Rifai, identified as a senior ISIS commander, in coordination with Iraqi and Kurdish authorities.

    Syria (December 2025)

    Following an ISIS attack in Palmyra that killed two U.S. soldiers and a translator, the U.S. struck 70 ISIS positions across Syria on December 19. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth called it a declaration of vengeance.

    Nigeria (December 25, 2025)

    On Christmas Day, Trump ordered what he called powerful and deadly strikes on alleged ISIS affiliates in northwestern Nigeria's Sokoto State, framed explicitly as protecting Christians. Nigerian officials disputed the characterization. Terrorism experts questioned whether ISIS even operated in the targeted region. Hegseth marked the occasion with: Merry Christmas. More to come.

    Latin America and the Caribbean: The Boat Strikes (September 2025 onward)

    Beginning in September 2025, the U.S. carried out at least 45 strikes on vessels alleged to be drug trafficking boats in Latin American and Caribbean waters. Monitoring group Airwars documented 151 people killed. The United Nations rejected the legal basis for the strikes, calling them unlawful extrajudicial killings. The Trump administration described drug trafficking as a form of armed attack on the United States.

    Venezuela (January 3, 2026)

    U.S. Special Forces raided Caracas overnight and abducted President Nicolas Maduro in an operation called Operation Absolute Resolve. At least one U.S. missile struck an apartment building in the port city of Catia La Mar, killing an 80-year-old woman as she slept. Trump described the attack as successful and perfectly executed. Legal experts and lawmakers from both parties called the operation illegal under U.S. and international law. Trump invoked what he called the Donroe Doctrine, a rebranding of the 19th-century Monroe Doctrine, and declared that American dominance in the Western Hemisphere will never be questioned again.

    Iran (June 2025 and February 2026)

    In June 2025, the U.S. struck Iranian nuclear facilities at Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan during active diplomatic negotiations. In late February 2026, joint U.S.-Israeli strikes were launched in what Trump described as major combat operations aimed at regime change in Tehran. The Iranian Red Crescent documented at least 201 killed in the initial wave. Iran launched a counterattack on the U.S. Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar. Trump has already threatened to strike again.

    The Countries Threatened But Not Yet Struck

    Greenland and Denmark were threatened with military annexation. Denmark's prime minister warned that a U.S. attack on a NATO ally would collapse the entire alliance. Mexico has been threatened repeatedly over cartel activity, with reports that drone strikes inside Mexican territory were seriously considered. Cuba and Colombia were targeted with threats after the Venezuela raid. The list is not shrinking.

    The Conclusion the Record Demands

    He is not fighting enemies. He is manufacturing them.

    Every escalation follows the same logic: identify a target that a portion of the public will not defend, attack them, normalize that attack, then expand the definition of who qualifies as the enemy. Undocumented immigrants became legal immigrants became visa holders became naturalized citizens became U.S.-born citizens became elected officials became protesters became anyone who asked a question. Abroad, terrorist groups became sovereign nations became a NATO ally in Greenland.

    The violence is the point, not the means. A leader genuinely focused on security, drug trafficking, or nuclear threats would use diplomacy, law enforcement, and coalition building. Instead, each solution maximizes spectacle, cruelty, and personal political benefit. Deporting children receiving cancer treatment. Bombing a sleeping 80-year-old woman. Striking Iran during active diplomatic negotiations. These are not policy failures. They are features.

    He has successfully inverted the law. Following the law now gets you arrested. Breaking it is called strength.

    The domestic and foreign violence are the same project: a unified assertion that the executive branch may use lethal force against anyone it designates an enemy, with no court, no Congress, and no international body having the authority to stop it.

    The word autocrat is accurate. But what the documented record describes is what historians call the consolidation phase. The dismantling of courts, oversight, civil rights protections, press freedom, and citizenship itself. The use of military force against civilians at home and abroad. The imprisonment of political opponents. The targeting of allies. This is not where authoritarianism peaks. This is where it accelerates.

    The fact that large portions of the American public oppose these actions is, in this framework, not a constraint. It is the next problem to be solved.

    Consolidation does not stop on its own. It stops when institutions, allies, or the public make the cost of continuing higher than the benefit. That is where history currently sits.

    Sources: Al Jazeera, Council on Foreign Relations, Vera Institute of Justice, American Immigration Council, ACLU, ProPublica, Airwars, Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, Wikipedia 

    Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!



    JZ Murdock is a retired Senior Technical Writer/IT administrator, and an active award-winning author/ filmmaker, documentarian, and writer based in Bremerton, Washington. 

    He publishes commentary on the state of things at murdockinations.com and on his creative works over at Substack. He also posts on Slasher.com on the horror genre.

    If this work means something to you, you can support it at Ko-fi. Tips are always welcome and go directly toward keeping independent documentary work possible.

    Two Moments That Changed How I See Authority

    There are experiences that don't announce themselves as formative while they're happening. You don't feel the ground shift. You just notice, months or years later, that you are standing somewhere different than you were before -- and you trace it back.

    Two things happened to me in the late 1970s at Fairchild Air Force Base in Spokane, Washington that I have written about separately over the years. A book I couldn't finish. A church I couldn't get out of fast enough. I've been thinking lately that they belong together, because they were teaching me the same lesson from opposite directions.


    The Book

    Picture the young man who would read that memoir.

    I was a parachute rigger in the Strategic Air Command, working with B-52 bombers at a nuclear alert base in Spokane, WA. Fairchild AFB. I had a secret security clearance. I also had the longest hair on the base -- kept in something approaching regulation shape by a daily application of Dippity-Do hair gel, worn under my service cap until I got home and showered, mostly to wash off the JP-4 jet exhaust from packing drag chutes all day, partly to get my hair back to something resembling human. That annoyed my friends to no end as they had gotten $50 ticket for hair out of regs and had to -- and this really annoyed them -- pay for the haircut. 

    To put this in perspective, I got awards for my work in the survival equipment shop, the parachute shop, which came with a three-day pass (not attached to the weekend -- WHY?), I received a Good Conduct medal. I wasn't a rabble rouser, but I questioned authority. At least internally. I got away with a lot. How? I read the manual. Literally. I knew what I could get away with and how far to go. When questioned, I'd state the regs and, I was always right (or I wouldn't do whatever it was). 

    Think, when higher ups give you grief, and you say, "Fine, I'm packing these chutes 100% by the T.O." Technical Manual, which they knew would take forever. I wasn't a wise guy. I had a sense of humor, I was likeable. I made other people look good. I played the game. I think when I got out of the service, it broke our Shop Sergeant's heart, seriously. He told me he saw me as a son. I miss the guy. But I wasn't staying in. I got out and went to college.

    When I turned twenty-one I bought my first legal handgun -- a Walther PPK/S .380, from a department store in Spokane. Great firearm. I'd had a .357 Magnum since I was eighteen, acquired from a friend in circumstances that were not exactly textbook legal (see The Teenage Bodyguard, an award winning screenplay). But the Walther was mine -- properly. The older gentleman in a suit looked at me across the store counter at -- a young guy, hair tool long for regs -- and said he didn't believe I was actually in the service. I showed him my USAF ID with security clearance. He said, "Okay, I believe you. But, how--? He spent a moment marveling at the hair while he completed the paperwork.

    That was who picked up Westmoreland's book. Not a naive kid. Not a credentialed analyst. A young man who read the newspaper, watched the evening news, carried a concealed weapon legally, worked with nuclear weapons delivery systems, and had been listening for years to his older brother's friends -- seven years his senior -- who had come back from Vietnam with stories that often bore little resemblance to official accounts. 

    Not My Lai level atrocities, but close enough to the edges of things to make a person skeptical. The Pentagon Papers had been public for several years by then. I hadn't read them cover to cover, but I had absorbed what they meant: that military leadership had been systematically misrepresenting the war to the American public while privately knowing better.

    So, when I picked up General William Westmoreland's memoir when it came out, A Soldier Reports (Doubleday, 1976), I came to it with genuine respect. He was the commander of U.S. forces in Vietnam from 1964 to 1968. Whatever you thought of the war, the man had carried an enormous burden. I gave him every benefit of the doubt a young reader could give.

    I signed up Vietnam era service. Delayed enlistment until there was a job opening for Law Enforcement. September 1975. That summer the war ended. I got all the war benefits on the G.I. Bill but they eventually recategorized me, Post Vietnam Era. 

    So I got into Westmorland's book. And for a while, it worked. He wrote with authority and precision. He knew things I didn't. He was, by any measure, a subject matter expert.

    But somewhere somewhere around the midway point, something shifted. The book began to construct a world I didn't recognize.

    Westmoreland's argument, laid out with great confidence and considerable detail, was essentially this: the military had a sound strategy; the war was winnable; what went wrong was the failure of civilian leadership, the interference of politicians, the distortions of the press, and the damage done by the antiwar movement. 

    The military, he contended, had been betrayed from within and from without. Victory had been stolen.

    I remember the feeling of reading that and thinking: but I was there for this. Not in Vietnam -- but alive, paying attention, reading the news, talking to guys who just came back from there, mostly -- messed up guys. I knew about the body count metrics that Westmoreland had built his entire strategy around, already widely exposed as manipulated and strategically meaningless. I knew that the same Pentagon Papers documenting civilian failures also documented military leadership providing falsely optimistic assessments to Washington while privately knowing the picture was far darker. I knew what those B-52s I worked with had been doing over North Vietnam and Cambodia. I knew the guys who had worked on them other there. I worked with them every day.

    Westmoreland wasn't lying in the way a con artist lies. I don't think he was cynical. I think he genuinely believed his version. That was almost scarier. He had taken the enormous complexity of a failed war -- a war with deep strategic contradictions, moral catastrophes, and institutional failures at every level -- and recast it as a story in which he and the military were the heroes, and everyone else was the villain. He hadn't written history. 

    He had written mythology, dressed in the uniform of history.

    I didn't have a word for it then. I do now. It's the stab-in-the-back thesis -- the same narrative structure that German militarists used after World War I, blaming civilian betrayal for military defeat, which fed directly into the conditions that produced Nazism. Applied to Vietnam, it became the founding myth of a certain kind of American right-wing grievance politics that is still very much with us.

    What I knew, in my bones, before I had any of that language, was simpler: this doesn't add up, and he's asking me to forget what I already know in order to accept it. I wondered about the leadership above me at the time in the service, who were the same guys who were in Vietnam.

    I put the book down.

    That was when I discovered a theory. Conspiracy theory. Now when you have a theory of a group doing something unknown openly, and they are doing something bad, it may well be a conspiracy. They happen. Usually, they are uncovered for a variety of reason. One I noticed in the military. It doesn't run perfect, except through a lot of effort and determination. That's doing good things. If those were bad things? Different animal altogether. 

    THAT'S what the conspiracy theorists of today don't seem to comprehend.

    I started studying not the conspiracy itself, but the nature of conspiracy thinking. Rather than diving into Westmoreland's specific claims and trying to refute them one by one -- which is the rabbit hole -- I started asking: how does this kind of argument work? What are the structural features that tell you something has gone from analysis to mythology? My older brother, encountering the same kind of thing, tended to defer to the expert. I went the other direction. Trust but verify. I became interested in the architecture of false certainty. 

    Also, it explains a lot about how I think. How I later ended up at university getting a psychology degree as what my department advisor professor had said (and I questioned him on this, but he thought about it and said that, yes, he was sure), I was one of the top psychology undergrads at any university in the nation. Damn. I mean, cool.

    Anyway, that mental divergence has shaped everything I've written about politics since.


    The Church

    About a year or two after I set down Westmoreland's book, I was at the base gym as my friend in the shop with me and I did daily. One day racquetball. Next day, weightroom. We'd gotten friendly with the equipment room attendant over borrowing equipment from the gym (don't remember now, what?) -- the usual slow accumulation of gym friendship, guy talk, nothing remarkable. We made one another laugh. He seemed, cool. Normal. Mostly was.

    Then one day he asked if I wanted to come to his church. He said I could bring my wife. My friend could come too (he begged off immediately). He also said later, I could bring my gun.

    That last part was odd enough that I decided to actually bring it, obviously to carry concealed -- the Walther PPK/S -- which I was legally entitled to do. Something about the invitation had put me on alert without quite articulating why. Go to church -- with a gun. Not the old Slovak Catholic church I had grown up going to, had been head altar boy at. 

    He picked us up at my house and drove us out of Spokane on a Sunday morning, his wife with him, my wife and me in the back of his, what passed back then for an SUV. We crossed the state line into Idaho. I got nervous and asked about it. He said not to worry -- no concealed carry permit required in Idaho, and where we were going it wouldn't be an issue. Crossing the state line was only peripherally on my mind, why were we leaving the STATE?

    But still. I held a secret security clearance. I worked with nuclear weapons delivery systems. I was crossing a state line carrying a weapon, heading to an unknown location. The math on that was not comfortable. Being in the service changes things legally for a military person. Breaking any law with a secret clearance is worse, with nuclear weapons clearance, much worse. he didn't have that. It never occurred to me about that disparity, honestly, until right now -- as I write this.

    The compound was in the hills of Idaho. Locked gate. He had to call on a phone out of a box by the gate. Someone came down, unlocked the gate, let us drive and, locked the gate, and followed us up. We saw a traditional church with a steeple. A well in the center of the property. Several men in grey uniforms designed to look just different enough from Nazi uniforms that you technically couldn't call them Nazi uniforms -- except for the salute, which was identical. When I noted the resemblance, they were offended. "We're not Nazis!" (no, neo-Nazis, maybe)

    The name of the organization was the Church of Our American Christian Heritage. I'll never forget it. I have since learned to treat any church name containing the words "American" or "Heritage" as a yellow flag. A church that has all the answers is another. I'm reminded of the last episode of The Boys, on Amazon Prime, where head sociopathic superhero Homelander has gone off the deep end and started the "Democratic Church of America." With Homelander himself as head, not as leader, literally as -- God.

    But I digress... 

    Their national leader had come up from Georgia specifically to speak that Sunday. He didn't know my wife and I were there as complete outsiders. Newbies. He didn't filter himself. He let loose -- a full accounting of their beliefs, their grievances, their vision of a purified nation, their contempt for nonwhites, their specific disgust at Vancouver, B.C., which apparently represented for him a kind of living offense against nature and civilization. The old ladies of the congregation were the most virulent true believers in the room.

    Let me be clear about Vancouver, British  Columbie, Canada. I've been there and Victoria, on Vancouver Island since I was a kid, with my family. I love it there. Love Canada, like a cousin, or a brother even. I was OFFENDED, right off. 

    My wife spent the entire service sitting close to me, gripping my sleeve hard enough to nearly tear it from the shoulder, occasionally leaning close to whisper urgently: Get us out of here. 

    I heard my sleeve rip twice by the shoulder seam. Once in church, once as we were headed out of church.

    The older woman in the back surrounded us and oh my God, I'd never met old people, anyone that racist. The national leader came up and introduced himself. Big smile. He apologized for cutting loose like that. He was just told we were new. 

    I smiled and shook his hand and said, "No, I'm glad you did. Good to hear exactly what you believe." I braced myself for his reading my meaning, if not sarcasm. I mean, I was being honest. The next second was interminable. Then he broke into a huge smile (it worked). He had decided he liked us a LOT.

    We got out as soon as we could. Services were over. We all made out goodbyes, and my "friend" drove us home. We made small talk along the way, did all we could to keep him and his wife at ease -- he talked about getting together again. He dropped us at home and drove off smiling and waving. 

    The next day I considered reporting him and his group to the base authorities. They needed to know about this. I told my racquetball friend in the shop that day. He said he'd drop by after work at my house. 

    When he stopped by that afternoon, he had thought about it. He got me alone and talked to me about what he had come up with. He did his best to talk me out of telling anyone on base anything. I wasn't having it. 

    Until. He pointed something out, reasonably and chillingly. "They picked you guys up here yesterday morning?" "Yes." "They dropped you off -- here." "Yes." "So Those people know exactly where you both live. And when your wife would be home alone?" "Uh, yeah..."

    I never went back to that window at the gym to get equipment. Neither did he. From then on, we brought our own. We never spoke to him again. Not long after, we noticed he wasn't around the gym anymore and we wondered about that, for a very long time.


    What They Had In Common

    It was a general construction of an alternate history -- of a war. They were a quasi-military white nationalist congregation in the Idaho hills. On the surface, very different things.

    But the underlying structure was identical.

    Both were communities of people who had taken real grievances -- about the war, about social change, about lost certainty -- and converted them into a sealed explanatory system that could not be falsified. In both cases, the complexity of the actual world had been replaced by a story with clear heroes and villains. In both cases, outside information was not evidence to be weighed -- it was enemy propaganda to be rejected. In both cases, belonging to the group meant accepting the story, and the story protected the group from reality.

    The difference was one of degree, not of kind.

    Westmoreland's version was respectable, credentialed, published by Doubleday, reviewed in major newspapers. The Idaho congregation's version came with grey uniforms and a compound with a well and a sheriff who wouldn't come onto the property. They passed newsletters about their grievances; there was no internet back then to help a subculture such as they were explode upon the American psyche. 

    But they were running the same cognitive operating system. Wounded certainty, calcified into mythology, defended against all comers.

    I didn't know then that I was watching the seedbed of what would eventually become the American political landscape of the 2010s and 2020s. The stab-in-the-back Vietnam narrative fed directly into a politics of grievance and betrayal that never fully went away. The Christian nationalist militia movements of the inland Northwest were not anomalies -- they were early iterations of something that would eventually find mainstream political expression. 

    I didn't know at the time about the confederates who after the Civil War had migrated up to the Pacific Northwest and made a new home free of the government for the most part in the east of Oregan, the east of Washington state, and in Idaho. Especially in the back hills, the back roads, the roads less travelled certainly by government officials. 

    My late older right wing MaGA brother now gone about a month (miss ya big guy, sad as our interactions were this last decade of the Trump infection), had moved years ago to Home, across Puget Sound via the Narrows Bridge, the other side of Highway 16 from Gig Harbor. It's a community on the Key Peninsula and borders the waters of Carr Inlet, an extension of Puget Sound.

    He had told me that those citizens who had enough of the "bullshit of Tacoma government" had moved there and called it "Home" because it wasn't Tacoma, it was, home.

    What protected me about this kind of mind worm dynamic, I think, was not superior intelligence or education -- I was a young enlisted man without a college degree, smelling of JP-4 jet fuel exhaust by mid-morning after packing B-52 drag chutes, with my longish hair shellacked under my service cap, "white walls" of shaved skin surrounding my ears to put on a good show for the annoying "lifers", but not so much the "career enlisted" (who we differentiated, as they were just trying to get through to retire one day but not thoroughly "ate up" like some old codgers were). 

    What protected me was a combination of things: a grandmother who taught me that books demanded honesty, and to finish one when you started it; an older brother's friends who told me what Vietnam actually looked like from the ground; a willingness to trust my own perception when it told me something didn't add up; and the crucial decision to study the form of bad thinking rather than just the content of any specific claim.

    You cannot fact-check your way out of a mythology. The mythology has already inoculated its believers against facts. 

    What you can do is recognize the architecture -- the sealed system, the designated enemy, the unfalsifiable narrative, the group that has all the answers -- and decline to enter.

    I learned that from a book I couldn't finish and a church I couldn't leave fast enough.

    Both were trying to sell me a story in exchange for my grip on reality.

    I kept the grip.


    Related posts: - A Book I Couldn't Finish – And How It Taught Me About Truth, Authority, and Conspiracy Thinking (January 2026) - Church and Guns (May 2016) - Conspiracy Theories – Incompetence More Than Insight? (April 2014) - America's Dezinformatsiya and компрометирующий (August 2019)


    Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!

    JZ Murdock is a filmmaker and author based in Bremerton, Washington. His novel Death of Heaven was honored with the New York City Big Book Award for Horror. His film Pvt. Ravel's Bolero has been lauded worldwide with many international festival awards. The film companion book is forthcoming.

    If this work means something to you, you can support it at Ko-fi.