Showing posts with label Donald Trump. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Donald Trump. Show all posts

Friday, September 11, 2026

9/11/2026

Fifteen years old today I wrote a blog about 9/11, at that time, ten years prior.

I wrote this here back on June 7, 2010, arguing for surgical special-ops warfare over mass troop deployment. 

Bin Laden was still alive. ISIS didn't exist yet. I'm reposting it as-is today, on the 25th anniversary, because it's a time capsule of where my thinking was—not because I got everything right. The "secret war" approach I was pushing for became the dominant U.S. counterterrorism strategy through the 2010s, and it did not turn out to be as clean as I argued below. 

Worth saying that up front. Admit your mistakes, do better next time. The idea I had was sound. What was missing was never the tactic—it was an accountability structure that no administration, including the one I trusted to run it, ever built, because the legal architecture available to them was designed for the opposite. 

Now, all bets are off. We're watching an administration whose motives and mechanisms we can't verify—and what surfaces is often worse than what we feared. Or could ever have imagined, on both sides.

Don't act like this current administration whenever you make a mistake, you foolishly double down and dare people to correct you in a corrupt autocratic playbook format of being an "American" presidential administration. 

History is going to shred this period of our shared history, no matter how much this administration tries to divide us for purposes of power and corruption.

But first, today:

Today, all four living former presidents stand together at Ground Zero for the 25th anniversary.
Same soil, same names read aloud, same silence at 9:37.
The sitting president was not there.
He was at the Pentagon instead—a venue with one microphone, one audience, and zero other former presidents standing nearby for comparison.
No New Yorkers who clearly despise Donald Trump, his lies about everything, and 9/11—where he did not bring a crew with him on that day, as he incessantly repeats the lie, unneeded, undesired, un-American.
The reported reason, per the Times last week, is a dispute over a speaking slot in New York, which he denies.
Denial or not, the outcome is the same.
One ceremony seats four presidents shoulder to shoulder in front of the cameras that built their legacies.
The other seats one, with nobody around to share the frame, to highlight what he isn't and can never be:
A decent American, a decent man, a great president.
Controllable is not a character flaw. It's a production choice.
Some stages just have fewer people who can upstage you—simply by existing.


Monday, June 7, 2010
U.S. 'secret war' expands globally?

The Washington Post had a June 4, 2010 article titled: "U.S. 'secret war' Expands Globally as Special Operations forces take larger role." It would seem that the Obama Administration is using more and more secret teams to go in and take out dangerous radical groups.

Is this bad?

I had been proposing this since 9/11. I brought this up again and again, at least to family and friends, back when we entered Iraq under the pretenses of having information leading to Iraq having Weapons of Mass Destruction and there being a link between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda; a contention I never bought, nor understood. Even when the Bush White House said they had intelligence indicating this to be true I didn't believe it. I thought, well I suppose its possible, but I found it hard to believe for obvious reasons. Why did Congress?

My contention then, as it is now, is that we should not send in mass amounts of troops. What we needed were smaller, specialist hit squads. Yes, this sounds scary. Yes, these have been misused the world over by dictators, terrorists, war lords, crime bosses. But which makes more sense: sending in many American troops to lose their lives on blanket, shotgun-like approaches to taking out the bad guys? Or sending in small teams, with proper intelligence, to mark and remove only those individuals that would best serve our goals and save the most lives?

You can argue all kinds of things about this. It could go over limits. How do you control it? Are there moral or ethical implications? On and on.

But look at what we have now. How many have been killed on both sides? How many innocents? Wouldn't it have been better to send in the smaller teams, targeting specifics, than using bombs, war theater tactics, shooting missiles from afar and using drones? Even if specialist squads killed a few innocents (which I'm thoroughly against, but that's yet another topic), how many have we killed now, using our current tactics? I doubt we could even approach the current numbers.

This is not political assassination. This is targeting specific individuals or groups, to strategically and surgically take out those who are actively supporting the killing of people outside the intent of their goals. My point in that statement is: when a group wants the US out of their country, killing US citizens, or their own—and typically innocent people—is outside the intent of their goals.

Terrorists justify their murderous actions because they are too small, too poor, too powerless, and so they use larger-than-life actions to draw attention to their group, their goals, or their issues, in order to get their way or bring popular or media attention to their cause.

But this has gotten out of hand. Frequently, their original goals change over time, or they lose track of their intention, or their core beliefs, and begin to rationalize. Since they do NOT have a centralized government to guide them, it is easy for them to lose their way. Yes, it can be easy for a state-governed group to lose sight of its origins; but far easier for those run by a small rag-tag committee, or a war lord, or a rich, deluded ex-national businessman.

Mostly these people are lost, missing something in their lives, and want to subvert process to attain goals through any means possible. That might be understandable. But it is just as understandable that someone would want to stop them. Once a terrorist organization kills innocent people, they lose the right to be justified and righteous.

The same is true of a nation state. And they should be called to task by the world stage, the UN, and their allies. But terrorists have none of this. So they need to be put down as swiftly as possible, by any means possible, just as they do it. But care needs to be used in not harming innocents.

Not harming innocents is the core concern in all of this.

So, let's start bringing back the troops. Less talk, more action.

Those in charge of these teams need to be conscious of the need to do right, to execute with need and justice, and avoid at nearly all costs the loss of innocent life. Because once they start killing innocents, they are out on the same limb as those rotted and diseased souls who have lost their way themselves.

Back to today, 25 years after 9/11 and we have what? Abused America for electing an erudite decent black man, twice? Elected a career criminal and failed TV game show mob boss type, twice?

9/11 did more damage to use than even the Republican Party and what have we accomplished?

We have set ourselves up repeatedly for more and worse to happen under this administration, under the current ruling party who is under the autocratic criminal thumb of this (and no, it cannot be stated to much, or two often) corrupt president.

We have a lot of work today ahead of us.

Work that will have to now also tackle the issue of a too strong Executive (something both parties have indicated now for decades and then when back in power, did nothing to rectify it, weakening Congress one administration after another), with a corrupt ruling parry and a SCOTUS who seems to have no relationship to that Court's past or America's present.

We CAN obviously do better. We will. 

America... 

Good health to you, to us all and to a better America through the next two election cycles.

Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!

Saturday, August 15, 2026

Trump Countdown Clock: Days Until Our Trump/GOP National Nightmare Ends

 

End of Trumpism, End of MaGAism
End of Toxic Conservatism in Power
End of this Toxic Republican Party
End of America's stupid experiment in Authoritarianism
Someone posted to this that we need action, not just dates.
True, this is merely something to shoot for. Sooner if possible.
But it helps to have a goal. A date. A time.
And then shoot for sooner.
Merely waiting for this to be over, does NOTHING.
Act.

Our national nightmare, on the clock...

Term's End
— — —
until noon, January 20, 2029
The Indictments
— — —
until DOJ leadership no longer answers to him, January 21, 2029

In this tine of "Corporate Thought" meaning no morals, no ethics, profit over all else, disinformation, post-truth, toxic conservatism, etc., our government no longer functions correctly due to having been set up with a consideration that people would not stoop as low as we have seen today's American conservatism and Republicans have. 

Thus, we bow need corrections.

Here's a rundown of the institutional reforms that necessary in a post Trump-era of toxic GOP governance and the current SCOTUS (and some conservative judges) have pushed, organized by branch. 

Presidency / executive power

  • Codify limits on the pardon power for self-dealing or obstructing investigations into the president's own conduct
  • Close the "major questions doctrine" and emergency-powers loopholes that let presidents bypass Congress via executive order
  • Strengthen the Impoundment Control Act so a president can't unilaterally withhold appropriated funds
  • Clarify and narrow presidential immunity after the Trump v. United States ruling, since critics argue it created near-blanket immunity for "official acts"
  • Restore independence of inspectors general and agency heads (FBI, DOJ, intelligence community) with for-cause removal protections that can't be gutted by executive order
  • Tighten the Hatch Act and anti-nepotism/emoluments enforcement with real penalties

Congress

  • Restore the pre-clearance provisions of the Voting Rights Act gutted by Shelby County v. Holder
  • Pass federal redistricting standards to curb partisan gerrymandering
  • Reform the filibuster for voting rights and basic governance bills (budget, debt ceiling)
  • Tighten conflict-of-interest and stock-trading rules for members of Congress
  • Restore and strengthen congressional oversight tools (subpoena enforcement mechanisms with teeth, since agencies currently can just ignore them)
  • Campaign finance reform addressing Citizens United, likely via a constitutional amendment given the Court's current posture

Supreme Court / judiciary

  • 18-year staggered term limits for justices, ending lifetime tenure
  • A binding, enforceable ethics code (the current one has no enforcement mechanism)
  • Some form of court expansion or jurisdiction-stripping on specific issues, though this is the most contested item even among reform advocates
  • Stricter recusal rules tied to financial disclosures
  • Reversing or legislating around specific rulings (Dobbs, Trump v. United States, Chevron's overturn in Loper Bright) through statute where possible

Broader democratic guardrails

  • Insulate election administration and certification from partisan interference (building on the Electoral Count Reform Act of 2022)
  • Statehood or representation reform for DC and territories
  • Independent redistricting commissions as a national standard
I wish us all well going forward once sanity returns and corporate thinking is back under control.

Power to the people, not power to only the powerful few.

Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!

Monday, August 10, 2026

The Oldest Hustle in American Crime: When They Say It's About Who You Are

There is a script. It is older than anyone currently living. It goes like this:

I am not a criminal. I am a threat. And they hate me because of what I represent to you. 

Al Capone knew it by heart.


By the late 1920s, Alphonse Gabriel Capone was the most powerful organized crime figure in America. He ran bootlegging, gambling, and prostitution across Chicago with an iron fist wrapped in a silk suit. He ordered murders. He bribed police captains, judges, and aldermen wholesale. The Saint Valentine's Day Massacre -- seven men machine-gunned in a garage on his orders -- was so brazen it shook the country.

And yet Al Capone's public posture, maintained with remarkable consistency, was that of a persecuted man.

"Every time a boy falls off a tricycle, every time a black cat has gray kittens, every time someone stubs a toe, every time there's a murder or a fire or the marines land in Nicaragua," Capone said, "the police and the newspapers holler 'get Capone.'"

He wasn't just complaining. He was building a brand. Capone cultivated a Robin Hood image, donated to soup kitchens during the Depression, made himself accessible to reporters, and cast himself as a simple businessman being singled out by hypocrites. "When I sell liquor, it's called bootlegging," he pointed out. "When my patrons serve it on Lake Shore Drive, it's called hospitality." He told crowds he had "spent the best years of my life giving people the lighter pleasures, helping them have a good time," and received in return only "abuse, the existence of a hunted man."

This country wanted booze, he said. He organized it. Why should he be called a public enemy?

The argument was not without a certain populist electricity. Prohibition was absurd. The rich did drink openly while working-class men went to jail. The cops Capone bribed were on every other corner. He was telling people things they already half-believed, and wrapping himself in their grievances as insulation against his own accountability.

His defense attorney argued at trial that the tax prosecution was simply a pretext -- that the government wasn't really after tax fraud, it was just trying to "stow Al Capone away." The jury should not, he told them, be a party to persecution in a time of public excitement.

The jury convicted him anyway. He died at 48, his mind destroyed by syphilis, the empire he built already in ruins.

But the script survived him.


Donald Trump did not invent the populist criminal's persecution narrative. He inherited it, refined it, and ran it at a scale Capone could never have imagined -- not across one city, but across an entire country, through television, social media, and the machinery of a major political party.

The playbook is identical. Only the costumes changed.

Where Capone said "every time something goes wrong, they blame me," Trump told his supporters at a Waco rally: "They're not coming after me. They're coming after you. I'm just standing in the way." The logic is the same move, executed a century apart. The criminal reframes his own legal accountability as an attack on the people who love him.

Where Capone cast himself as a simple man meeting a public demand -- beer, whiskey, a good time -- Trump cast himself as a simple man giving people what they wanted: jobs, a wall, a middle finger pointed at the people who looked down on them. "From the time I came down the golden escalator," Trump said after his first indictment, the radical left had been engaged in a witch hunt "to destroy the Make America Great Again movement." Not him. The movement. You.

Where Capone pointed at the hypocrisy of Prohibition -- the law applied selectively, to the poor and the ethnic, while the wealthy drank freely -- Trump pointed at real and perceived hypocrisy in the justice system: Hillary Clinton's emails, Hunter Biden's laptop, the two-tiered application of law. Some of those complaints had genuine substance. That's the point. The hustle works best when it's built on a foundation of things that are actually true.

Trump claimed the prosecution "would immediately stop" if he decided not to run for president -- framing his legal exposure as purely political, a weapon aimed not at a man who broke the law, but at a movement that threatened power. He compared his situation to Alexei Navalny dying in an Arctic prison. He called it "the existence of a hunted man."

Capone would have recognized that phrase. He used it himself.


Here is where the comparison becomes not just rhetorical but precise.

Capone ran an organization built on intimidation and bribery, surrounded himself with men willing to commit violence on his behalf, and corrupted every institution he could reach -- police, courts, city hall. He positioned this as American enterprise. "My rackets are run on strictly American lines," he said. He was not knocking the system. He was just using it.

Trump surrounded himself with what a presidential historian called "a team of felons" -- eleven top allies convicted or having pled guilty, their combined sentences totaling roughly thirty years. He pressured the Justice Department to prosecute his political enemies. He urged his attorney general to go after Hillary Clinton. He leaned on election officials in Georgia to "find" votes. He was impeached twice. He was convicted on 34 felony counts. He pardoned rioters who broke into the Capitol at his encouragement, including the first man to breach the building.

And throughout all of it, his line never wavered: this is persecution. They are doing this because of who I am, and what I mean to you.

The crucial difference between Capone and Trump is that Capone never got his hands on the actual machinery of the state. He had to bribe it from the outside. Trump won the presidency twice. He used the Justice Department as a tool of personal vengeance. He pardoned his own criminal associates. He sat in the Oval Office and directed federal power at his enemies while simultaneously claiming to be a victim of federal power.

Capone claimed he was being hunted. Trump made himself the hunter, from inside the building, while still claiming to be the prey.


The populist criminal's greatest trick is not the lie. It's the grain of truth.

Capone was right that Prohibition was selectively enforced. Trump is right that the justice system does not treat everyone equally. Both men took that truth, swallowed it whole, and used it to insulate themselves from consequences for things that had nothing to do with inequality and everything to do with their own appetites for power and money.

Capone's defense attorney told the jury: don't be a party to persecution in a time of public excitement.

Trump's supporters say the same thing today, at a volume that shakes windows.

But here is what the script always leaves out: the question of whether the government is treating you fairly is entirely separate from the question of whether you did the things they say you did.

Al Capone did the things they said he did.

Donald Trump did the things they said he did.

The jury that convicted Capone did not acquit him because he made them feel good at rallies. The question of what we do with that fact -- what we do with a man who turned the oldest hustle in American crime into the platform of a presidency -- is not a question about him.

It is a question about us.

Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!



JZ Murdock is a retired Senior Technical Writer/IT administrator, and an active award-winning author/ filmmaker, documentarian, and writer based in Bremerton, Washington. 

He publishes commentary on the state of things at murdockinations.com and on his creative works over at Substack. He also posts on Slasher.com on the horror genre.

If this work means something to you, you can support it at Ko-fi. Tips are always welcome and go directly toward keeping independent documentary work possible.

Monday, July 20, 2026

What Does Donald Trump's Actions as President Tell Us About His First Principles?

We tend to fall back on "first principles" in times of need.

Based purely on observable patterns across both terms, here's what Trump's actions reveal as his actual operating first principles, regardless of stated ideology:

Loyalty (to him) over institution. The first filter on any decision appears to be: does this person/entity support me personally? Institutions, alliances, and norms get subordinated to this question every time.

Transactionalism as worldview. Everything is a deal. Relationships, treaties, alliances, even domestic policy are evaluated as exchanges with winners and losers. There is no inherent value to a standing arrangement -- only its current leverage.

Were one to apply the principles of stoicism to Donald Trump, he would likely, simply, implode.

Judged against the Stoic standard he claims by temperament to embody, Trump's public conduct suggests someone poorly suited to the discipline that high office arguably demands: real Stoic composure treats provocation as beneath response and status-seeking as a category error, while his approach runs the opposite way, treating every insult as a demand for retaliation and every metric of attention, ratings, crowds, coverage, as something to be won. 

A leader modeled on Marcus Aurelius absorbs pressure without needing the outside world to validate him; the pattern here is a public figure whose equilibrium seems to depend on winning the news cycle in front of him. Whether that's disqualifying is a judgment call, but it's hard to square with the specific virtue of imperturbability that Stoicism holds up as fitness to govern.

But Trump is emotionally just a petulant child, in a man-suit.

Strength-dominance signaling. Perceived weakness is the cardinal sin. This shapes rhetoric, negotiating posture, and personnel decisions. Concession reads as loss regardless of strategic gain.
Unpredictability as a tool. Consistency is a vulnerability others can exploit. Keeping adversaries (and allies) off-balance is a feature, not a bug.

Grievance as fuel. He returns to perceived slights and injustices reliably when under pressure. It's not just rhetoric -- it appears to be a genuine motivational engine that organizes his political coalition and his own decision-making.

Zero-sum framing. For someone else to win, he must lose. This underlies his approach to trade, immigration, international relations, and domestic politics alike.

Media reality as actual reality. Coverage, perception, and the narrative surrounding events carries more operational weight in his decisions than underlying policy outcomes.

The interesting thing about these as first principles is that they are largely pre-ideological. They explain why his actual policy outputs don't map cleanly onto traditional conservatism. The ideology is downstream of the principles, not the other way around.

Then what are they labeled as?

Western political vocabulary was built around parties, platforms, and ideologies. A system built around a person resists those categories almost by design -- which is part of what makes it durable and destabilizing at the same time.

Populism" is the most common reach, but it's descriptive of the audience relationship, not the underlying logic. It tells you about the coalition, not the operating system.

"Nationalism," "Authoritarianism," "Caesarism?"

This is why his supporters and opponents both keep getting confused.

Supporters expect ideological consistency and get surprised when he pivots.

Opponents expect rational policy opposition and get surprised when he doesn't care about winning the argument, only about winning the room.

In most coherent political traditions, first principles are foundational beliefs about human nature and the purpose of government that everything else derives from. A few examples:

Classical Conservatism (Burke) Human nature is flawed and improvable only slowly. Institutions encode accumulated wisdom. Change is dangerous. Order and continuity have intrinsic value. Everything downstream -- deference to tradition, skepticism of reform -- follows from those.

Classical Liberalism (Locke, Mill) Individuals have inherent rights prior to government. Liberty is the default condition. Government exists to protect rights, not grant them. Everything downstream -- rule of law, limits on state power, free expression -- follows from those.

Socialism / Social Democracy (Marx, various) Economic relations determine social reality. Capital accumulation creates structural exploitation. Collective ownership or regulation corrects inherent market injustice. Policy follows from the diagnosis of where power actually lives.

Libertarianism Coercion is the fundamental wrong. Voluntary exchange is the fundamental right. The state is legitimate only to the degree it prevents coercion. Everything else follows with unusual logical consistency from just those two premises.

Theocratic / Natural Law traditions Moral order is objective and externally grounded, usually in God or natural law. Legitimate government reflects that order. Human law is valid only when it conforms.


What these share is that the principles are about something outside the leader. They describe the world, human nature, or moral reality -- and the leader is supposed to be an instrument of those principles, not the source of them.

That's the structural difference with what Trump represents. There's no external referent. Which is exactly why "personalist" keeps being the most accurate term.

This is what I have referred to for decades as "Corporate Thought." Loyalty only to the buck, the dollar, profit, the board, the bottom line. Ethics, morality, decency, get in the way. For a while corporations realized there needs to be more. 

But Trump is stuck in the 1980s, before that realization came into corporate reality, or popularity.

This was a backslide. We can and will do better going forward. Once this ethical toxic mold has been exorcised off the ledger of America.

Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!



JZ Murdock is a retired Senior Technical Writer/IT administrator, and an active award-winning author/ filmmaker, documentarian, and writer based in Bremerton, Washington. 

He publishes commentary on the state of things at murdockinations.com and on his creative works over at Substack. He also posts on Slasher.com on the horror genre.

If this work means something to you, you can support it at Ko-fi. Tips are always welcome and go directly toward keeping independent documentary work possible.

Tuesday, May 19, 2026

Remember Trump's famous favorite Bible quote? No? Come on! Really?

Remember Trump's famous favorite Bible quote?

He's got one, right?

So if he does have one, based upon his actions as president, or his decades as a miserable example of a "businessman" over his lifetime, WHAT IS IT?

What might, say...three of his favorite quotes be?

The famous moment: Trump was asked his favorite Bible verse in 2015 and couldn't name one. He later cited "an eye for an eye" as his philosophy -- which is real (Leviticus/Exodus), but notably Jesus specifically repudiates it in Matthew 5:38-39. So his "favorite" is the verse Christ overruled.


Three that actually fit his record:

1. Proverbs 21:6 "A fortune made by a lying tongue is a fleeting vapor and a deadly snare." -- Six bankruptcies, Trump University fraud settlement, inflated asset valuations. The vapor part aged well.

2. Matthew 6:5 "When you pray, do not be like the hypocrites, for they love to pray standing in the synagogues and on the street corners to be seen by others." -- The Lafayette Square Bible photo op, holding it upside down. Scripture as prop.

3. 1 Timothy 6:10 "The love of money is a root of all kinds of evil." -- Covers pretty much the entire career arc and the current presidency-as-profit-center Raskin was describing above.

The brutal irony is that "eye for an eye" being his self-chosen verse is actually the most honest thing he's ever said about himself.

Trump's politics are pure Old Testament retribution politics with zero New Testament grace anywhere in sight.

Trump really seems to be an Old Testament guy, though.

Old Testament Trump?

The OT God is frequently wrathful, vengeful, tribal, transactional, and rewards loyalty above almost everything else.

So? Trump IS like the Old Testament, immature, vindictive, jealous "God"?

Punishment is swift and disproportionate. Enemies are smited.

The chosen people are exceptional by definition. 

Outsiders are threats. Sounds kind of like a five-year-old.

But it maps almost perfectly onto Trump's operating psychology.

The transactional covenant thing is key.

OT theology is largely "obey and prosper, disobey and suffer."

Trump runs the same deal -- loyalty is rewarded, disloyalty is destroyed.

It's less a moral framework than a power framework with religious language draped over it.

What Trump actively rejects from the New Testament:

  • Forgiveness of enemies (he never forgives, or apologizes, doubling down, always)
  • Humility ("blessed are the meek" -- not a Trump value)
  • Turning the other cheek (see: "eye for an eye")
  • Care for the poor and stranger (see: every immigration and social policy)
  • The rich man and the needle's eye passage -- genuinely inconvenient for him

The dark irony is that evangelical Christians, who are supposed to be defined by the New Testament and Christ's teachings, have attached themselves to perhaps the most purely Old Testament political figure in American history.

See, white Christian Nationalism. Or the American Taliban.

Allow me... And there it is. The through line.

Why the OT fits WCN perfectly:

White Christian Nationalism isn't really Christianity in any theological sense. It's a tribal identity system that uses Christian iconography as its flag. The Old Testament gives them what they actually want:

A chosen people narrative
A promised land (America as covenant nation)
Divine sanction for conquest and dominance
Clear in-group/out-group boundaries
A wrathful God who punishes enemies
Tribal law over universal grace

The New Testament is genuinely problematic for them because Christ was a Middle Eastern Jew who preached radical inclusion, care for immigrants and outcasts, rejection of wealth and power, and forgiveness of enemies. That's essentially the opposite of the WCN political program.

So they quietly sideline Jesus as a theological figure while keeping the cross as a political symbol. The cross at January 6th wasn't about the Sermon on the Mount.

Trump as OT figure works for them because he's Cyrus -- the flawed pagan king God uses as an instrument anyway. That's literally the theological framework many WCN pastors use. It's clever because it immunizes him against any moral critique.

The deepest irony: They've built a political religion around the parts of the Bible their own Christ specifically came to supersede.

That's not Christianity. That's nationalism wearing Christianity's coat.


While we're on the topic of Trump's nonsense...

The Trump "Weave" Nonsense Unravels: A Decade of Cognitive Decline in Donald Trump's Public Speech

1980s — Coherent, even articulate in interviews; sentences complete, vocabulary precise, stays on topic. Fundamental life view pretty messed up, however. Still capable of hiding that.
1990s — Still functional but shallower; the braggadocio is increasing, substance thinning.
2011 — Filler words measurably increasing in recorded interviews; vague placeholder language creeping in.
2015 — Campaign launch; rambling style rewarded by crowds, masking deterioration with performative energy.
2016 — Tangentiality accelerating but mistaken for authenticity; wins the presidency.
2017 — First STAT linguistic analysis finds his speaking style has already worsened significantly since the 1980s.
2018 — Still capable of structured prepared remarks but unscripted responses increasingly fragmented.
2019 — Repetition of key phrases intensifying; same anecdotes recycled regardless of context.
2020 — Post-election loss triggers emotional constriction; all-or-nothing vocabulary spikes.
2021 — Negative emotional language dominates; "never," "always," "completely" becoming verbal tics.
2022 — Word retrieval errors becoming regular; confabulation harder to distinguish from deliberate lying.
2023 — Haley/Pelosi confusion; uncorrected errors normalizing; digressions no longer return to a point.
2024 — Abrupt unframed topic shifts more than double; changes exceed what stylistic continuity can explain.
2025 — Retrieval failures, disorganized sequencing, errors go uncorrected in real time; the compensating mechanisms are visibly breaking down.
2026 — Currently in office, 79 years old, mentally older, and the public record of any given week supplies fresh examples without having to look hard.

The baseline has shifted to where the episodes are no longer remarkable enough to dominate any news cycle.

By the way?


That normalization may be the most telling data point of all.

Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!

JZ Murdock is a retired Senior Technical Writer/IT administrator, and an active award-winning author/ filmmaker, documentarian, and writer based in Bremerton, Washington. 

He publishes commentary on the state of things at murdockinations.com and on his creative works over at Substack. He also posts on Slasher.com on the horror genre.

If this work means something to you, you can support it at Ko-fi. Tips are always welcome and go directly toward keeping independent documentary work possible.


Monday, March 2, 2026

Fictional Leaders Who Illustrate the Problem of Trump-Style Leadership

Writers and filmmakers have long imagined leaders who confuse personal power with public authority, who believe loyalty to themselves is the same as loyalty to the state. Looking at fictional characters can sometimes clarify real-world problems more effectively than political language does. Several well-known fictional figures illustrate the dangers of this kind of leadership.

What follows are real, established fictional characters who help illuminate the risks of placing a personality-driven figure in public leadership.


President Business — The Lego Movie

President Business

President Business is the main antagonist in The Lego Movie (2014). He is both a corporate CEO and the president of the fictional Lego world. His goal is absolute control: he wants everything frozen permanently into place so that nothing can change without his approval.

President Business believes he alone knows what is best. He equates order with obedience, and dissent with chaos. His leadership style revolves around centralized control and loyalty rather than collaboration or expertise.

The character illustrates the danger of treating a country like a private enterprise run according to one person’s preferences. Institutions exist to distribute authority; President Business exists to concentrate it.


Biff Tannen — Back to the Future Part II

Biff Tannen

Biff Tannen is the bullying antagonist of the Back to the Future films. In Back to the Future Part II (1989), the story shows an alternate timeline where Biff becomes enormously wealthy and effectively controls his city through intimidation and corruption.

In that dystopian version of Hill Valley, Biff owns the police, dominates local politics, and uses his wealth and influence to insulate himself from accountability.

Biff represents the danger of personal power unchecked by institutions, where wealth and influence substitute for competence or responsibility. The fictional Hill Valley he dominates becomes unstable and corrupt precisely because power revolves around one individual.


Emperor Palpatine — Star Wars

Emperor Palpatine

Emperor Palpatine is the central political villain of the Star Wars saga. He rises to power legally, becoming Chancellor of the Republic before transforming the system into an Empire under his personal rule.

Palpatine repeatedly claims to be defending the Republic and preserving order. In reality, he steadily absorbs power into his own office while weakening democratic institutions.

The character demonstrates how institutions can be reshaped from within when a leader treats legal authority as a pathway to personal dominance.


King Ubu — Ubu Roi

King Ubu

King Ubu is the grotesque ruler in Alfred Jarry’s 1896 absurdist play Ubu Roi. He seizes power through violence and then governs through greed, paranoia, and childish impulses.

Ubu is ridiculous and frightening at the same time. He constantly demands wealth and obedience while making impulsive and irrational decisions.

The character is famous in literature as the archetype of the buffoonish authoritarian ruler. Jarry’s play is satire, but its target is serious: leadership driven by ego rather than responsibility.


Captain Queeg — The Caine Mutiny

Captain Queeg

Captain Queeg is the unstable commanding officer in Herman Wouk’s 1951 novel The Caine Mutiny. Over time, Queeg becomes increasingly paranoid and erratic. He sees conspiracies everywhere and interprets disagreement as disloyalty.

His inability to distinguish between criticism and betrayal ultimately endangers the ship and crew he commands.

Queeg represents a different leadership failure: authority undermined by insecurity and suspicion. When leaders begin to see enemies everywhere, institutions become strained and decision-making deteriorates.


Why Fiction Helps Clarify Reality

These characters are not identical to any real political figure. Fiction simplifies reality. But each of them illustrates a specific leadership failure:

  • President Business shows the danger of treating a nation like personal property

  • Biff Tannen shows the danger of power centered on personality

  • Palpatine shows the danger of expanding authority through institutions

  • King Ubu shows the danger of ego-driven rule

  • Captain Queeg shows the danger of paranoid leadership

Taken together, they illustrate a broader point.

Democratic systems depend on leaders who understand that institutions are larger than individuals. When leaders begin to equate themselves with the state, the system itself becomes vulnerable.

Fictional stories often explore this danger because it is timeless. Long before modern politics, writers imagined rulers who believed that the country existed for them, rather than the other way around.

That is why these characters still resonate. They remind us that the problem of personality-driven leadership is not new — only the setting changes.

Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!


Friday, January 23, 2026

The Rationalizations for Trump That No Longer Hold

For years, many Trump supporters who considered themselves informed, pragmatic, or economically literate relied on a set of rationalizations to justify their support. These were not the chants or slogans of rallies, but arguments meant to signal seriousness, realism, and hard-headed judgment.

Looking at the economic disruption, the damage to alliances, and the alignment with authoritarian interests, those rationalizations have largely collapsed.

Below is a clear accounting of what they were, and why they no longer work.


Economic Rationalizations

“He’s good for the economy.”
Market volatility, trade retaliation, tariff costs passed to consumers, and weakened long-term confidence have undermined this claim.

“Markets like certainty and strength.”
Erratic policy shifts, impulsive threats, and personal grievances introduced instability, not certainty.

“Short-term pain for long-term gain.”
The long-term plan never materialized. The pain persisted. The gains remained hypothetical.

“He understands business better than politicians.”
Personal enrichment, conflicts of interest, and transactional governance blurred the line between national policy and private benefit.


Foreign Policy and National Security Rationalizations

“He’s tough on America’s enemies.”
He consistently antagonized democratic allies while praising or accommodating authoritarian leaders.

“He’s ending endless wars.”
Destabilization without durable diplomatic frameworks increased long-term risk rather than reducing it.

“NATO needed to be shaken up.”
The result was weakened deterrence, emboldened adversaries, and allies questioning American reliability.

“He’s a master negotiator.”
Major deals were abandoned, hollowed out, or left the United States in weaker strategic positions.


Governance and Institutional Rationalizations

“He’s draining the swamp.”
Professional expertise was replaced by loyalty tests, nepotism, and ideological purges.

“He’s exposing corruption.”
Ethical violations and politicized institutions became normalized rather than corrected.

“He’s just blunt, not authoritarian.”
Bluntness evolved into open contempt for courts, elections, constitutional limits, and the rule of law.


Character and Competence Rationalizations

“Ignore the rhetoric, focus on results.”
Rhetoric became policy. Policy became grievance. Results became damage control.

“He’s playing 4D chess.”
Outcomes consistently reflected improvisation, not strategy.

“The media exaggerates everything.”
Concerns were confirmed by economists, military leaders, allies, courts, and career professionals across institutions.

“He represents American strength.”
Internationally, the United States came to be seen as erratic, unreliable, and internally unstable.


Moral and Civic Rationalizations

“He’s a necessary disruption.”
Disruption without reconstruction hollowed institutions instead of reforming them.

“At least he’s honest.”
Persistent falsehoods, contradictions, and revisionism erased that claim.

“The system deserved to be broken.”
Broken systems still require governance. Chaos proved not to be a substitute.


The Core Failure

At the center of all these rationalizations was a single belief:
that competence could be separated from character, and outcomes from norms.

That belief no longer holds.

What was dismissed as exaggeration became pattern.
What was framed as strategy revealed itself as impulse.
What was defended as disruption delivered institutional damage.

The rationalizations did not fail because critics were loud.
They failed because reality caught up.

Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!


Monday, January 19, 2026

When Your Standard Applies to Your Opponent — and Then to Your Own Side

Cheers!
Happy national Martin Luther King holiday!
Regardless what our petty POTUS desires, or how bigoted, the flaccidly inflated the ego of our Rumpelstiltskinesque ‘tiny prick’ is in such a petty, small-minded man, while such a big pain to us all.

Remember when people on the right said that if Barack Obama said, it would be dangerous personality-cult rhetoric?

“Democrats love it.
Democrats love what I’m doing.
Democrats love everything I do,”
he said, “Democrats are me.
Democrats love everything I do, and I love everything I do, too.”

Conservatives anywhere from the center to the hard right would have rejected that instantly as cultish — elevating a leader above the party, equating the movement with one person, and demanding uncritical devotion. Many still describe such rhetoric in authoritarian states, or in relation to historical fascist leaders. They would be right to do so — that would be cult-of-personality language if someone actually said it.

Although Obama was a decent man overall and never would have said that.

Because that particular quote never happened. It was made up for argument’s sake — and that’s why it was a useful rhetorical hook.

But here’s the twist:

Obama never said that.

Donald Trump actually said that.

On January 6, 2026, in a public statement reported by El País, President Trump said:

“MAGA loves it.
MAGA loves what I’m doing.
MAGA loves everything I do,” Trump said.
“MAGA is me.
MAGA loves everything I do, and I love everything I do, too.”

That is not a paraphrase. That is not an embellishment. It is the captioned phrasing from a contemporary news report on his remarks about U.S. policy toward Venezuela.

Why this matters

The crucial rhetorical move in the example you remember — the one about Obama — is that you ask someone to apply a standard first before they know it’s a setup. MaGA is not "Making America Great Again", but diminishing America overall. Trump sees everything in a sense of profit, or more often, profit for HIM. But everything is NOT about profit. See Fareed Zakaria's take from Sunday, January 11, 2026.

The standard invoked by many conservative commentators in the past was, in essence:

“If a leader equates themselves with the movement and claims that the movement loves everything they do, that is cult-like rhetoric.”

That standard makes sense if we value:

  • loyalty to institutions over individuals,

  • accountability over personal elevation,

  • party as a coalition of ideas rather than a personality.

But here’s the twist: when you let someone apply that standard first — thinking they are condemning the other side — they end up condemning a real contemporary example from the current president they support.

That’s the point. Once someone agrees that language like this is inappropriate or dangerous when it is framed as coming from the opposing side, they have implicitly committed to a rule. The next step is revealing that the actual quote comes not from the opposing side, but from their own preferred leader. At that point, the argument is not about policy or party; it is about coherence and standards.

This tactic — getting someone to articulate their own principle first before attaching it to an actual case — does not belittle identity. Instead, it engages the identity in a moment of self-judgment. If someone enthusiastically condemns the made-up Obama quote as cultish and then resists calling the Trump quote the same, they are forced into one of two uncomfortable positions:

  1. They abandon their previously stated principle, which exposes inconsistency.

  2. They apply their principle consistently, which undercuts the emotional or identity investment in the leader.

The tactic works precisely because it leverages a person’s own stated standards against an actual real-world example.

What counts as cult-of-personality rhetoric?

Language of the sort Trump used — equating the base not just with support for policies but with him personally — intersects with political-science concepts of personalist power structures and cults of personality. 

One element scholars look for is identity fusion: when supporters and a leader are described as if they are inseparable, loyalty becomes less about ideas and more about personal attachment. Another is unconditional devotion: the idea that the movement loves everything a leader does, without qualification. Both traits are present in that quote.

This does not mean every supporter is irrational or brainwashed. People can support a movement for many reasons — economic interests, identity politics, policy preferences — without being part of a psychological cult. But when a leader explicitly frames the movement as them and claims total devotion, that moves the rhetoric well outside the norms of conventional party politics.

MaGA functions as a cult-like political movement — more precisely, a personalist, cult-of-personality political formation — even though not every individual MaGA voter behaves like a cult member.

The longer, precise answer matters, so here it is without rhetoric or hype.


What MaGA is not

MaGA is not:

  • a conventional ideological movement

  • a normal party faction

  • a policy-driven coalition

  • a persuasion-responsive electorate

Those models assume shared reality, institutional loyalty, and conditional support. MaGA violates all three.


What MaGA is (analytically)

MaGA fits the political-science model of a cult of personality embedded inside a mass movement.

That has specific, recognizable features:

1. Identity fusion

Supporters do not merely support Trump; they merge personal identity with him.

Trump explicitly reinforces this:

  • “MAGA is me.”

  • “I alone can fix it.”

  • Attacks on Trump are framed as attacks on them.

This is the single strongest cult indicator.


2. Leader supremacy over reality

Facts, law, courts, elections, and even conservative principles are accepted only if they affirm Trump.

When they don’t:

  • they are dismissed as fake, rigged, corrupt, or illegitimate

  • contradiction does not weaken loyalty

  • failure increases devotion

That is cult logic, not political reasoning.


3. Moral inversion

Actions are judged by who does them, not by what they are.

The exact same behavior:

  • is tyrannical if a Democrat does it

  • is justified if Trump does it

  • is denied if Trump does it badly

This is why your Obama→Trump inversion tactic works: it exposes moral relativism anchored to identity.


4. Unconditional loyalty demand

Trump does not tolerate neutral supporters or internal dissent.

  • Critics are “traitors,” “RINOs,” “enemies”

  • Loyalty to Trump outweighs loyalty to party, Constitution, or country

  • Institutions exist to serve him, not constrain him

That is classic personalist authoritarian structure.


5. Institutional capture without legitimacy

MaGA does not seek legitimacy through institutions.
It seeks control of institutions to remove legitimacy constraints.

That is why:

  • impeachments fail

  • jurisprudence is evaded

  • norms collapse without backlash

  • accountability becomes impossible

Cults do not argue their way into power. They outlast and absorb.


So is MaGA “a cult”?

Yes — in the political sense, not the clinical sense.

More precisely:

  • MaGA is a mass political cult of personality

  • Trump is the central identity object

  • The movement is post-ideological, post-institutional, and loyalty-driven

This is why treating MaGA as “misinformed voters” or “angry conservatives” keeps failing.


The crucial distinction

This does not mean:

  • every MaGA voter is irrational

  • every supporter is equally cult-embedded

  • cult dynamics cannot weaken over time

But it does mean:

  • normal political counter-argument will not work

  • fact-checking will not work

  • appeals to norms will not work

  • persuasion fails once identity fusion locks in


Bottom line (clean and defensible)

MaGA is not a normal political movement.
It is a cult-of-personality system organized around Trump, where identity overrides reality, loyalty overrides law, and institutions exist to serve the leader.

Treating it as normal politics is not neutrality.
It is surrender to the structure that allows it to persist.

That is the correct diagnosis — and it explains everything you’ve observed: the elections, the escapes, the control, and the failure of conventional opposition.

if they don't act like a cult member what are they acting like?

Good question — because once you strip away the word “cult,” what remains are several distinct behavioral roles that look different on the surface but still sustain the same power structure.

If they are not acting like classic cult members, they are typically acting as one (or more) of the following:


1. Identity-protective partisans

These individuals are not devoted mystics; they are defending a threatened identity.

What drives them

  • Fear of status loss (cultural, racial, generational)

  • Perceived humiliation by elites or institutions

  • “People like me are being erased”

How they behave

  • Selectively rational

  • Dismiss facts that threaten identity

  • Accept contradictions without distress

They are not following Trump because they believe everything he says.
They are following him because he validates who they think they are.

This is not cult devotion — it is identity defense under threat.


2. Transactional authoritarians

These supporters do not idolize Trump; they use him as a tool.

What drives them

  • Desire for power outcomes (courts, deregulation, revenge, dominance)

  • Zero concern for norms or process

  • Ends justify means

How they behave

  • Fully aware Trump lies

  • Openly admit moral compromise

  • Say things like “I don’t care, he gets things done”

This group sustains autocracy knowingly.
They are clients of power, not believers.


3. Grievance voters

These individuals are animated by anger rather than belief.

What drives them

  • Economic resentment

  • Cultural displacement

  • Desire to punish institutions or “elites”

How they behave

  • Incoherent politics

  • Contradictory positions

  • Support whatever hurts perceived enemies

Trump is attractive because he is destructive, not because he is correct.

This is nihilistic politics, not cult behavior.


4. Information-silo dependents

These are not irrational people — they are operating inside a sealed epistemic environment.

What drives them

  • Reliance on partisan media ecosystems

  • Distrust of all outside information

  • Repetition substituting for verification

How they behave

  • Can reason logically inside the silo

  • Reject all external sources reflexively

  • Treat contradiction as manipulation

They are not worshipping Trump.
They are living inside a closed reality loop.


5. Authoritarian followers (psychological type)

This group exists in every society and activates under perceived chaos.

What drives them

  • Desire for order

  • Discomfort with ambiguity

  • Preference for hierarchy

How they behave

  • Strong leader fixation

  • Obedience over deliberation

  • Moral certainty replacing ethics

They do not love Trump personally.
They love what he represents: command and certainty.


6. Performative loyalists

These individuals signal allegiance publicly without deep internal belief.

What drives them

  • Social belonging

  • Fear of ostracism

  • Community reinforcement

How they behave

  • Repeat slogans

  • Avoid dissent publicly

  • Privately more ambivalent

This is social conformity, not cult devotion — but it still stabilizes the system.


So what ties them together?

Not belief.
Not ideology.
Not policy.

What unites them is alignment to a personalist power system where:

  • Loyalty matters more than truth

  • Identity matters more than consistency

  • Power matters more than legitimacy

Some are believers.
Many are participants.


The precise answer to your question

If they are not acting like cult members, they are acting like:

Participants in a personalist authoritarian system, each playing a functional role — identity defender, power client, grievance vehicle, or conformity enforcer — whether or not they emotionally worship the leader.

That is more dangerous than a pure cult, because it is broader, more flexible, and harder to disrupt.


Bottom line (clean and accurate)

MaGA is sustained not only by cult devotion, but by identity defense, transactional power-seeking, grievance politics, information enclosure, and authoritarian followership.

You do not need everyone to be a cult member to maintain a cult-of-personality system.
You only need enough people playing roles that keep the leader unaccountable.

That is the real structure you are confronting.

Why normal political argument fails against cult-like structures

This gets to a deeper point: treating politics like normal exchange — evidence, reason, policy argument — works only if both sides share a commitment to shared reality and institutions. In a personalist movement where identity is fused with a leader, such arguments often fail because they are not addressing the reason someone supports the movement in the first place.

That is exactly why the Obama-as-tyrant example is so useful rhetorically: it forces someone to articulate a standard about authoritarian language before they apply it to a real example.

And when the real example is one of their own preferred leader, their own principle becomes the mirror of reckoning.

America does not fail because it argues too harshly. It fails when it refuses to recognize what it is facing. A political movement organized around personal loyalty rather than law, identity rather than truth, and power rather than accountability is not just another faction in a democratic contest. It is an authoritarian threat by definition. 

Democracies protect themselves not by pretending such movements are normal, but by insisting that no leader is the nation, no movement is above the Constitution, and no individual is owed unconditional devotion. The choice before America is not left versus right. It is whether the country will defend its institutions against a personality cult that seeks to replace them — or allow itself to be hollowed out in the name of loyalty to one man.

Cheers! Sláinte! Na zdravie!